Naidu and his politics

Dealing with Congress is not new for TDP Chief Naira Chandrababu Naidu. It was the Congress that gave the Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister a foothold in politics — Naidu was the youngest minister in the T Anjaiah-led Congress government in early 1980s having won from Chandragiri assembly constituency in Chittoor district in the 1978 elections.

It was only during his stint as cinematography minister that he came in contact with the legendary N T Ramarao who eventually got his daughter Bhuvaneswari married to Naidu.

And Naidu did not quit the Congress immediately after his father-in-law NTR launched the TDP on the plank of Telugu pride and “anti-Congress” plank and swept to power within a year of his entry into politics. In fact, Naidu quit the Congress and joined the TDP only after he lost the 1983 elections from Chandragiri.

The election was a watershed moment in Andhra Pradesh’s politics since the newly-launched TDP swept to power.

After having joined his father-in-law, there was no looking back for Naidu — his anti-Congress stance began then and continued till about a couple of months back when the TDP chief realised that the Opposition alliance cannot take on Narendra Modi without the support from Congress.

Everyone knows Naidu is a shrewd politician and had played a major role in deciding prime ministers and presidents when his TDP was part of the United Front and first tenure of the National Democratic Alliance. He has a knack of convincing voters that he always takes the right decision — when he aligned with BJP in 1998 and then again in 2014 under Modi.

In 2014, he said he aligned with BJP to save the country from UPA and won the elections. Five years later, he will have to tell the voters that Congress is much better than the BJP.

Will Naidu’s gamble of warming up to Congress work? The answer is at least six months away.

ETB/01/11/18

The enigma of M Natarajan

E.T.B. Sivapriyan

Chennai, March 20: An hour after the casket carrying mortal remains of J Jayalalithaa was lowered into a pit near the resting place of her mentor M G Ramachandran on December 6, 2016, there stood a man in the darkness that engulfed the Marina Beach, claiming that he would emerge as “Queen-Maker” for the second time in 30 years.

The man was M Natarajan, the 74-year-old lobbyist who held sway over the bureaucracy and top echelons of power whenever Jayalalithaa occupied the seat of power in Tamil Nadu despite not being in her good books, and the Queen who he talked about was none other than his wife V K Sasikala – the soul-mate of the six-time chief minister.

Natarajan’s “vow” or declaration only gave credence to what was being whispered in the power corridors till then – he wanted Sasikala to step in to fill the “large vacuum” left by Jayalalithaa, by taking control of the AIADMK and later the government as chief minister.

Natarajan, who earned the tag of a willy politician and whose backroom manoeuvring awed even his sworn enemies, literally burnt the midnight oil to enact a stage-managed show that was made to look like spontaneous swelling of emotions among the rank and file for Sasikala attaining the throne of Chief Ministership.

Such was Natarajan’s influence in the AIADMK though he was banished by Jayalalithaa from entering her palatial Poes Garden, removed from the AIADMK and was even sent to prison in a couple of case. He never held any position in the AIADMK nor in the governments – but his control over the internal affairs of the party was at display in the run up to every election when MP and MLA aspirants queued up before his residence seeking his “blessings.”

Natarajan’s script stayed course till February 5, 2017 when Sasikala elected as AIADMK legislature party leader, but fate would have it other way – his wife ended up in the Parapana Agrahara prison exactly ten days later to serve her four-year term in disproportionate assets (DA) case.

Natarajan, the former government PRO whose marriage with Sasikala was solemnised in the presence of DMK chief M Karunanidhi in the 70s, was credited with bringing together the then warring factions of AIADMK led by Jayalalithaa and MGR’s widow Janaki after the matinee idol’s death along with leaders like the present state Congress chief Su Thirunavukarasar.

Though many in the ruling party would deny this today due to dramatic change in equations, Natarajan played a crucial role in projecting Jayalalithaa as the “only credible option” to lead the AIADMK after MGR’s demise and emerged successful.

His political astuteness was at display in 1989 when he ensured that Jayalalithaa’s resignation letter as MLA did not reach the Speaker — the letter was eventually found at Natarajan’s residence and the recovery led to a fracas in the state assembly that heralded the arrival of Jayalalithaa as a “true leader” and later as chief minister.

Natarajan and Sasikala were introduced to Jayalalithaa by bureaucrat Chandralekha in the early 1980s when the then film actress was being initiated into politics by MGR. Sasikala was hired by Jayalalithaa for video graphing her political rallies and a few years later, the couple moved into Jayalalithaa’s Poes Garden residence to “ensure her safety.”

Later, Natarajan fell out with Jayalalithaa and was thrown out of Poes Garden bungalow that also meant estrangement from his wife Sasikala, though his access to power corridors was unfettered.

Born in Thanjavur in 1943, Natarajan, who began his political career as a student activist with the DMK, was an enigma even to his own people and he took to his grave the mystery of how he managed to remain powerful despite being publicly disowned by the “undisputed” Jayalalithaa. He also claimed to have shrugged shoulders with the late Kanshi Ram and former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar.

Natarajan, who maintained a low profile, donned many caps – he edited a magazine known as ‘Puthiya Paarvai’ (New Vision) and headed several literary organisations – besides emerging as a vociferous supporter of the Sri Lankan Tamils. His business links were never known.

Observations on R K Nagar by poll:

Despite being an independent candidate, rebel AIADMK T T V Dhinakaran has made deep inroads in the backward R K Nagar constituency. Money has contributed much to his fame, but his campaign in the now rescinded April 12 by poll has also helped him in the election. The election machinery of TTV matched with that of AIADMK and DMK. It was quite surprising that he had the last mile connectivity with voters.

Ruling AIADMK has also distributed money but the unpopularity of the EPS OPS government is writ large. Fishermen are terribly upset with the government over its inaction in tracing the missing fishermen in Kanniyakumari district. People are also upset with the AIADMK’s relationship with BJP.

Many old timers who have always voted for the AIADMK seem to be standing behind Madhusudhanan and his local connect with the electorate seems to be the only advantage that might play in his favour. Old women also favour Madhusudhanan.

Since there is likely to be a vertical split in traditional AIADMK votes, it could hurt Madhusudhanan and benefit Dhinakaran. Dhinakaran seems to have won the confidence of minorities with several Muslim women turning up at polling booths.

DMK’s traditional vote is intact and has not taken a major hit. Canvassing by Shimla Muthuchozhan, who unsuccessfully contested against J Jayalalithaa in 2016, has brought in Nadar votes for the DMK as usual. Apparently not distributing cash might go against the DMK.

Cash seems to be the major deciding factor in RK Nagar and it was evident with several people openly complaining that DMK did not distribute money for votes.

Observations on R K Nagar by poll:

Despite being an independent candidate, rebel AIADMK T T V Dhinakaran has made deep inroads in the backward R K Nagar constituency. Money has contributed much to his fame, but his campaign in the now rescinded April 12 by poll has also helped him in the election. The election machinery of TTV matched with that of AIADMK and DMK. It was quite surprising that he had the last mile connectivity with voters.

Ruling AIADMK has also distributed money but the unpopularity of the EPS OPS government is writ large. Fishermen are terribly upset with the government over its inaction in tracing the missing fishermen in Kanniyakumari district. People are also upset with the AIADMK’s relationship with BJP.

Many old timers who have always voted for the AIADMK seem to be standing behind Madhusudhanan and his local connect with the electorate seems to be the only advantage that might play in his favour. Old women also favour Madhusudhanan.

Since there is likely to be a vertical split in traditional AIADMK votes, it could hurt Madhusudhanan and benefit Dhinakaran. Dhinakaran seems to have won the confidence of minorities with several Muslim women turning up at polling booths.

DMK’s traditional vote is intact and has not taken a major hit. Canvassing by Shimla Muthuchozhan, who unsuccessfully contested against J Jayalalithaa in 2016, has brought in Nadar votes for the DMK as usual. Apparently not distributing cash might go against the DMK.

Cash seems to be the major deciding factor in RK Nagar and it was evident with several people openly complaining that DMK did not distribute money for votes.

BJP’s another TN plan in tatters

E.T.B. SIVAPRIYAN

November 21 – Three months to this day, the O Pannerselvam camp, which had declared a “Dharma Yudham” on the Edappadi K Palaniswami camp in February, called off the war and worked out an arrangement to create the unified AIADMK which has never been united since its tallest leader J Jayalalithaa who ruled the party with an iron fist passed away after battling several illnesses at a corporate hospital in Chennai.

Three months later, Rajya Sabha MP V Maitreyan, the first AIADMK leader to join OPS after he declared a war on the Sasikala family following his most-famous 45-minute meditation at the Jayalalithaa memorial on the Marina Beach, let the cat out of a bag through a three-liner message on his Facebook page.

“It has been three months since the EPS-OPS faction merged. Months have gone, but have the hearts synced,” Maitreyan, who had his roots in the RSS and later joined the AIADMK, wrote on Facebook, triggering a political blast in Tamil Nadu.

People of Tamil Nadu already knew that all is not well within the “unified AIADMK” but Maitreyan’s public proclamation that “hearts have not synced” even after three months is a clear indication that the forced marriage is in tatters.

It is common knowledge that the merger was thrust upon both the EPS and OPS factions by their new high command – the BJP of Narendra Modi and his lieutenant Amit Shah.

After Jayalalithaa’s death, Modi and Shah took upon themselves the task of “cleaning up corruption” in Tamil Nadu’s political space to fill the “vacuum left” by the charismatic leader, but ended up joining hands with the very same people whose tenures as PWD Minister have been under cloud for various irregularities in awarding tenders and sand mining projects.

To ensure that the EPS Government survives, albeit till the 2019 General elections or at least till the end of 2018, the Modi-Shah duo worked overtime on uniting EPS and OPS, who had parted ways in February.

Though OPS, who had commanded much respect among party cadre after his rebellion against Sasikala and due to his standing as close confidante of Jayalalithaa who had chosen him to occupy the Chief Minister’s chair twice when she had to quit on corruption charges, was very hesitant to accept the merger and work under his political junior, EPS, the duo’s master – Modi – put his foot down and ordered them to execute his instructions.

The OPS-EPS duo could have opposed the merger, but they could not since they had several things to hide and fear for – both had held the PWD portfolio on different occasions and they faced the risk of facing inquiry or I-T action if they had resisted the move.

I-T department has been the tool that has been notoriously misused post-Jayalalithaa in Tamil Nadu as the BJP used it indiscriminately to target its rivals and bring many whom it felt necessary for its mission TN on line. Searches were conducted on the premises of the then Chief Secretary P Rama Mohana
Rao, his friend Shekhar Reddy, Health Minister C Vijayabhaskar and now those owned by Sasikala family. But, there has been no outcome so far on any of these raids.

Coming back to OPS, he has been feeling uncomfortable right from the day the merger took place as he felt he did not get his due. Only one of this follower – MaFoi K Pandiarajan – was accommodated in the Cabinet and several others were overlooked and pleas with EPS to part away with key positions of boards went into deaf ears and discontent was becoming visible in his camp.

And Maitreyan’s Facebook statement brings out the rumblings within the OPS camp – his outburst might be linked to him being pushed into the side lines – and will absolutely be just the beginning, not the end.

The statement not just reflects EPS’ leadership but the overall strategy of the Modi-Shah duo.

Once again, BJP’s one more Tamil Nadu plan appears to be falling apart. Distancing itself or dumping the EPS-OPS duo will not absolve BJP of its misdeeds.

Raids at Poes Garden: BJP’s disastrous mistake

E.T.B. SIVAPRIYAN

Whatever may be the outcome of the late nights raids at Poes Garden residence of late chief minister J Jayalalithaa, the political ramifications are huge and would haunt the EPS-OPS duo who are ruling Tamil Nadu right now for long.

Raids have taken place at the residence of the very same person whose soul, the duo, say is guiding them in running the government and launch a ‘dharma yudham’ on the corrupt Sasikala family and both the chief minister and his deputy should break their silence and answer questions posed by the cadre.

Edappadi K Palaniswami and O Panneerselvam might claim innocence saying Income Tax department just did its duty, but if one goes by what happened at Poes Garden on Friday night, it is sure that the top brass of the Tamil Nadu Government was aware of the searches.

As Income Tax officials went inside the sprawling palatial garden, it was the state police personnel, not the CRPF which comes under the Union Home Ministry, that surrounded the entire area and restricted access for public and media. It could only mean one thing – the CM and his deputy were informed much in advance about the raids.

Though the AIADMK and BJP might go into the fine details to justify the raid by saying that only those rooms once occupied by Jayalalithaa’s all-powerful secretary P S Poonkundran were searched, none of the party man would buy the argument.

If Income Tax officials had to seize documents from the residence, they could have done it discreetly without making the searches into a full-blown media spectacle. T T V Dhinakaran, the nephew of now incarnated V K Sasikala who was an outsider in the party after having banished by Jayalalithaa from Poes Garden in 2011, used the raids to openly accuse the EPS-OPS duo of being “behind” the raids and termed the searches as a “betrayal” of Amma’s soul.

If things go at the speed as they are, Dhinakaran may not have to try and break the party – it would come to him on a platter as it did for Jayalalithaa in 1989 after those sided with MGR’s widow Janaki realised that she was indeed a political liability following her faction’s no-show at the 1989 hustings.

EPS and OPS, who at the hat of a drop claim that their government is guided by the soul of Amma, should shun their golden silence and make it clear where they stand. If they support the raids, it would mean they are discreetly agreeing to popular perception that Jayalalithaa ran a corrupt administration since Poonkundran was running the show in Poes Garden.

If they come out against the raids, they will open a front with the BJP Government at the Centre, risking their own dispensation here. It is a real catch-22 situation for the duo, who had been knocking at the doors of the BJP and Prime Minister Narendra Modi as if he is their high command, but their silence would be construed that they were part of the decision to raid Poes Garden.

Poes Garden is no temple and Jayalalithaa is no god – but for millions of AIADMK cadre a trip to Poes Garden was always a pilgrimage and Jayalalithaa was the presiding deity. For the very people who claim that Jayalalithaa’s soul is guiding them, it would be politically incorrect not to condemn the raids; but they would risk antagonising Modi.

One thing is clear from the raids – the BJP is fast becoming political liability in Tamil Nadu and the idea of Dravidian politics taking more prominence ahead of 2019 general elections.

PWA should have aligned with DMK to keep AIADMK away: Thiruma

 

FROM THE ARCHIVES

The People’s Welfare Alliance made a strategic mistake by taking on the DMK and AIADMK at the same time. The alliance along with DMDK and TMC should have tied up with the DMK to keep the AIADMK away from power. By doing this, the combine could have weakened the DMK by forcing it to accept a coalition government and defeated the AIADMK at ease, says VCK chief Thol Thirumavalavan.

In an exclusive interview with E.T.B. Sivapriyan, the Dalit leader says the concept for an alternative front in Tamil Nadu remains as relevant as it was before the elections, but only time will decide its future. Here are the excerpts:

Q: The PWA-DMDK-TMC alliance popularly known as the Third Front suffered a humiliating defeat. How do you react to this kind of verdict from the public?

A: In fact a defeat of this magnitude is shocking to us. We projected ourselves as an alternative to the Dravidian majors who have been ruling the state for the past 50 years. We had very little time to reach out to the people since our alliance was formalized only on April 9 after the Tamil Maanila Congress joined. Main reason why we did not succeed is that we were not well prepared like the Dravidian parties who have the experience of working for the elections. And we lacked the money power which the rival fronts possessed. But we still think there is some space for a third force or third front in Tamil Nadu politics. I think, in hindsight, it was a wrong strategy to have taken on both DMK and AIADMK at the same time.

Q: Was it a mistake on the part of the PWA to have waited for DMDK so long? Your doors were kept open for Vijayakant till the last minute. Don’t you think it is a wrong decision?

A: No, not at all. We wanted the DMDK to join our front since we thought the four parties – MDMK, VCK, CPI, CPI(M) – alone cannot take on the Dravidian majors. I accept that DMK and AIADMK are two major forces in Tamil Nadu and to take on them or to challenge them, we needed another major political party and that is the reason why we waited for the DMDK. After the DMDK joined our front, we had just about a month for election campaign. Though the People’s Welfare Alliance held four rounds of campaign to create awareness among the people about an alternative front before poll dates were announced, we did not have much time for election campaigning. Campaign is the crucial part of elections and we did not have much time in reaching the people.

Q: You said it was a wrong strategy to have taken on both the Dravidian majors at the same time. Could you please explain in detail?

A: Yes it was a wrong strategy. If we had to defeat AIADMK, we (DMDK-PWA-TMC) should have joined the DMK and fought the elections. It is a known fact that both parties have giant strength in the state. Joining a giant force to defeat another could have been the only strategy. I think the emergence of DMDK-PWA-TMC united both the DMK and AIADMK in ensuring that we fail. And I feel our alliance’s strength was the only reason for DMK and AIADMK to pump in huge sums of money into this election. The amount of money spent in the three VIP constituencies of R K Nagar, Thiruvarur and Kolathur is more than what we spent in the entire state. Both parties feared that we would cut into their votes and decided to defame us. The DMK went one step ahead and called us the B-Team of AIADMK. That allegation sounded the death knell for us. We were not able to win over the allegation and abuses hurled at by us by the DMK.

Q: Are you coming to say that the PWA-DMDK-TMC alliance should have tied up with the DMK?

A: The idea of Third Front is still relevant. We decided to oppose both parties since both of them are corrupt and have contributed in the liquor sales in the state. So the logic was that we should oppose both parties and maintain equidistance from both of them. But in hindsight I feel we, meaning DMDK-PWA-TMC, could have aligned with the DMK and forced it to form a coalition government. If six parties had joined the DMK, the party could have contested in only 100 or a little more than 100 seats leaving the rest to alliance partners. If that had happened, we could have brought a coalition government, weakened DMK’s position substantially and defeated the AIADMK. We could have achieved these three things at one go.

Q: By this frank analysis, are you conceding that Third Front was a failure?

A: We attempted to give an alternative to the people of Tamil Nadu and there is definitely space for the Third Front. We have not lost our relevance. We tried to bring all like-minded parties together to fight against corruption and liquor in the state. It did not work this time. But it does not mean the idea has failed. The idea and the concept is as relevant today as it was before election.

Q: Do you regret aligning with the PWA and eventually with DMDK and TMC?

A: There is no question of regret. Future of any political party or an individual does not depend on the results of one election. Several political leaders who were written off bounced back within no time. MGR lost the 1980 Lok Sabha polls so badly, but he bounced back within months by capturing power in the Assembly elections. Even Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa herself lost Assembly elections in 1996. Did not she bounce back and come back to power? One can’t write off political parties based on the results of one election.

Q: You are one of the prominent leaders of the Dalit community and don’t you think your identity has been lost this election?

A: My work does not depend on my designation. The Dalit community needs me and I need the Dalit community. Working for the betterment of the community is a job that remains permanent. Elections are only a part of the work that I and VCK do. We contest elections only in the hope that political power would us achieve things that we are fighting for. Dalit community will never lose faith in me and no leader can do the kind of work that I and my party do. My work will not affect because of the setback that my party received this election. Our journey will continue. AIADMK which received maximum support from Dalits has not given adequate representation to the community. Instead they have given enough representation to the communities which look down on Dalits.

Q: Your arch-rival PMK showed the political courage to contest alone by announcing a Chief Ministerial candidate. Why did not you muster the courage?

A: PMK practices complete caste politics. Worst thing that can happen in politics is getting votes by instigating people in the name of caste. The PMK was the first party to have announced that they will be an alternative to the Dravidian parties. In fact, PMK is the real B-Team of the AIADMK since they have eaten into the anti-AIADMK votes. They are the real B-Team. If the PMK had contested with the DMK, the DMK would have come to power. The amount of money that PMK spent this election raises several questions. Their politics is completely based on casteist approach and I will never indulge in such brand of politics.

Q: Despite being a Dalit party, why is that you are hesitant to demand that a member from your community become Chief Minister. A demand was made by one of your MLA, but that became just a point of debate. Why are you hesitant?

A: The society is not matured enough. It is not the right time. Socio-political structure of the state is not prepared to (accept a Dalit CM). Candidates of DMK and AIADMK who contested against me in Kattumannarkoil are also Dalits. But villages where majority of the people are non-Dalits welcomed only them, not me. They pelted stones at me. The society has not matured enough.

(The Interview was recorded in May, 2016 immediately after the Assembly election results were made public)

The rise, rise and the grand fall of Mahinda Rajapaksa

E.T.B. SIVAPRIYAN

History has come a full circle for the tiny island of Sri Lanka in just a decade. It was the boycott of the Sri Lankan Presidential election in 2005, roughly 10 years ago, by Tamils living in the then war zone of Northern Province, blindly following the diktat of the ever-feared LTTE’s Velupillai Prabhakaran, which spawned the victory of the then light weight and little-known Mahinda Rajapaksa over a moderate Ranil Wickramasinghe.

Nearly ten years later and six years after the end of the bloody civil war that consumed more than 70,000 lives including that of Prabhakaran and his senseless cadre who mercilessly bombed civilians to escape the onslaught of the Sri Lankan Army, it is the same Tamils who have now ensured the decisive defeat of Rajapaksa in the 2015 Presidential Elections through their overwhelming participation in the democratic exercise.

If the LTTE had allowed the Tamils to vote in the 2005 Presidential elections, Rajapaksa would have never been able to make it to Temple Trees, the official residence of the President of Sri Lanka. By not allowing the Tamils to vote in favour of Wickramasinghe, the megalomaniac Prabhakaran dug his own grave.

His calculation that Rajapaksa would be a weak President went horribly wrong and he became his biggest nemesis, finally taking his life, which was once considered precious by Tamils across Sri Lanka.

The decade went by saw the lightweight Rajapaksa transforming into a soft dictator, amassing unparallel power and wealth besides defeating the once all powerful Tamil Tigers with the help of a ruthless Sarath Fonseka, the Army General who led the commanders from the front in ensuring that terrorism is buried once for all in the island.

After the war, Fonseka challenged Rajapaksa in the 2010 Presidential Polls, which he eventually lost and found himself behind the bars for alleged treachery.

As if to undo the historic blunder they committed a decade back, Tamils in the north and eastern provinces of Sri Lanka came out in droves on Thursday to ensure that Rajapaksa bites the dust in the epic polls to none other than his former colleague Maithripala Sirisena, who defected to the Opposition side at the last minute and entered the fray as a common Opposition candidate.

And the overwhelming participation of Tamils in this election demonstrates yet another fact that the minorities have learnt their lesson that ballot is powerful than a bullet. That Tamils were upset with Rajapaksa could just be an understatement, as the entire community believes that he failed in integrating them back with the mainstream after the historic defeat of the LTTE in 2009.

Rajapaksa had then promised to build bridges with the minority Tamils but little did people in the north knew he will just bridge the distance between north and south by constructing world-class roads, further alienating the Tamils from the mainstream as it took four long years for the Government to conduct provincial elections in the north. Other promises still remain on paper.

Tamils no longer want Eelam (separate homeland) having burnt their fingers heavily especially after having suffered from the double-barrel attack by both Sri Lankan Army and the LTTE. What they want is genuine devolution of powers to the province that would allow the local government to cater to the needs of the people without having to get orders from the federal administration that operates from far-away Colombo. What they want is genuine reconciliation with the Sinhalese and the right atmosphere for co-existence.

In a few months from now, Sri Lanka will celebrate six years of the victory over the once powerful LTTE, which controlled one-third of the country running its own parallel government, but the Tamils in the north and eastern provinces still wait for justice and honourable political settlement that will genuinely address their concerns.

The wait has undoubtedly been long and a harrowing experience for the minority community that has faced unimaginable violence at the hands of both sides. The Tamil community in Sri Lanka acknowledge the bitter fact that Prabhakaran’s Tigers unleashed senseless violence at the end to save them and their leaders killing the very own people for whom they claimed to have taken the gun.

An overwhelming vote against Rajapaksa does not necessarily mean it was in favour of Sirisena, who appears to follow the policies of his predecessor when it comes to deployment of Army in civilian areas in Northern Province. It is just an anti-Rajapaksa vote.

If Sirisena genuinely believes in reconciliation and betterment of Tamils, he should first reduce the presence of Army personnel in Northern Province and cooperate with India in implementing the 13^th Amendment plus formula that minorities believe would address their genuine political aspirations.

Another confidence measure that would satisfy Tamils would be implementation of the promise to abolish Executive Presidency that would revert executive powers back to the Prime Minister.

Wickramasinghe becoming the prime minister could have weighed heavily on the mind of Tamils when they voted for Sirisena. Tamils have always believed and still believe that Wickramasinghe has a soft corner for them and fondly remember the efforts he took in reaching a ceasefire between the Sri Lankan Government and LTTE in 2001.

The near unanimous support of Tamils to Sirisena has now allowed Wickramasinghe to have a shot at power once again through a backdoor entry. All the powers are now vested with Wickramasinghe and not Sirisena, who was supported by majority of the Opposition parties.

The defeat of Rajapaksa would make sense only when the new dispensation takes efforts to assuage the feelings of the minorities and helps them in finding a solution to the ethnic question. Sirisena should realise that the mandate was against Rajapaksa and was not a vote in favour of him.

Will Sirisena and Wickramasinghe heal the wounds of Tamils? Only time can answer.

(The writer is a journalist with Deccan Chronicle-Asian Age. He has closely followed the civil war and developments in Sri Lanka thereafter.)